On my second visit to Essaouira in March 2005, I sat for a few hours with my friend Mohamed, a journalist and union representative. He’d just come from a meeting organized by the Party of Justice and Development, Morocco’s largest Islamic party. He explained that the region of Essaouira has four members of parliament, each from a different party, all of them equally worthless. “We have four political colors here, but they’re all the same color, black.” The Party of Justice and Development doesn’t have much of a foothold in Essaouira, but they sent some of their elected officials from other parts of Morocco to meet with the locals and present their views. Mohamed was at the meeting to see if they had anything new to add.

He told me that in Morocco before the colonial period, there was no such thing as parliamentary democracy as we know it in the West. There was only traditional tribal politics. Political parties didn’t start forming until the transition from colonialism to independence. Even then, they tended to have a tribal base. The Independence Party, for example, which was and still is the largest party in Morocco, was a vehicle for the interests of the large political families of Fez. The resistance fighters of the Rif Mountains had their own movement and party. Even today, the parties are organized around key personalities rather than ideology. As a result, they tend mainly to enrich their leadership. They serve more as vehicles for dispensing patronage than as parties presenting a political vision to the nation as a whole. Before democracy can function in Morocco, Mohamed said, the country needs to complete its transition from tribal politics to ideologically based parties.

He went on to tell me about a project he is working on with the Moroccan government and the World Bank, to improve economic self-sufficiency in the countryside. Each region of Morocco has a key city that serves as a magnet for people coming from the countryside in search of work. In his region, that city is Essaouira, and its attraction is tourism. In Casablanca there are manufacturing jobs, in Tangier the port. Since more people are coming to the cities than those cities can absorb, the goal of the project is to help remote villages develop their own resources so more people will stay there. The strategy is to provide micro-loans to rural women, since research has shown that women are more likely than men to invest in a project they can do at home. Men tend to take the money with them to the city, which isn’t the point. Mohamed asked rhetorically, “What type of work is there in the countryside? Farming and animal raising. So we’re focusing on a project for raising goats.” With their micro-loans, women can buy a few goats and use their milk to make cheese. Later they can advance to a textile project, using the fleece to make carpets and clothing.

One problem with this is Moroccans’ consumer habits. They tend to prefer modern, factory-made products to traditional ones. “If you put two stores side by side in central Essaouira, one selling local baskets and the other plastic tubs from China, which store do you think would have more customers?” Mohamed said that a change in mentality is needed, to get Moroccans to understand that buying traditional, locally made products helps keep money in the local economy. This led me to recall how in America in the 1950s, products such as Wonder Bread, made in factories and distributed nationally, drove local bakers out of business. Later there was a backlash, and people came to realize that locally made bread was a better product. Because enough people were willing to pay the higher price, independent bakers came back into fashion. Perhaps the problem in Morocco is that choosing quality over price is a luxury few can afford. Whatever the reason, Mohamed seems to be right about Moroccans’ preferences. I have a friend whose mother works in a clothing factory in Fez, and there used to be more than twenty factories like it in the city. Now there are only three. Competition from China has driven the others out of business.

I asked Mohamed if he felt that the high percentage of unemployed young people in Morocco, who are torn between the excesses they see in the media and the grim reality of their daily lives, might produce an “explosion.” This is the worry of people like Olivier, the owner of a guest house in Marrakech where I stayed with my mother. To my surprise, he said no. On one level, he sounded like an apologist for the Moroccan government, saying that the state is well aware of the problems and is putting programs in place to correct them. On a deeper level, he explained that the monarchy is in a very strong position today because Hassan II played his hand so well. Overt repression is no longer needed because the population is now pacified. Opposition movements are either co-opted or in check. This allows Mohammed VI to work “against” the policies of his father. He can allow greater freedom of expression, or proclaim himself “king of the poor” without fear of unleashing demands for change that he can’t control.

In Mohamed’s view, the state has consciously destroyed the quality of public education since the 1980s in order to leave young people politically passive, without the knowledge of history or the critical skills they need to interpret the world around them. As a result, they can be easily led by the children of the rich, whose private schools have not been destroyed in the same way. This is a shocking claim, which my friend Boumedian later endorsed from his own experience. When he was a university student in the early 1980s, students took their studies seriously and so did the professors, continuing discussions outside of class and even inviting students into their own homes. The debate was stimulating, and students entered into it with the sense that ideas mattered. My friends in college today tell a different story. The majority of students at Nabil’s high school didn’t even graduate. They either failed the national exam, or dropped out along the way. Nabil thinks that changes made to the high school curriculum over the last few years were made with the express purpose of reducing the success rate, on the theory that if fewer people enter the university, there will be fewer graduates looking for work. University students feel a sense of hopelessness that what they are learning is worth anything. In practical terms, it has little relevance to the workplace. As knowledge, it is hopelessly out of date. They go mainly to socialize and kill time, for lack of anything better to do.

A generation ago, Moroccan universities were known as centers of leftist agitation. The state encouraged the rise of an Islamist opposition, which gained control of the campuses and shut off the possibility for debate. Discussion got channeled into right-versus-left shouting matches, creating a stalemate that has continued for twenty years. Today, much time is wasted in a perpetual tug of war between students and the administration. Bureaucrats throw up administrative hurdles, and students respond with demonstrations that shut down the campus for days at a time. Police spies keep an eye on everything and make reports. Whether through intellectual laziness or fear of rocking the boat, professors avoid engaging their students in ways that will stimulate their thinking. Many students choose not to come to class at all, preferring to work independently and showing up only for exams.

Nabil gave me the example of his Spanish professor who handed out a text with a political theme. When one sees injustice, the text said, it is immoral not to speak out. Pretending injustice isn’t happening is just as bad as participating in the injustice itself. Nabil asked the obvious question, “How can we apply this to our situation today?” The professor cut him off. “We’re only here to analyze the text, not apply it to anything.” Apparently he didn’t see the irony. Nabil saw two possible explanations for this. The first was that the professor was reluctant to get into social criticism, which he didn’t think was likely. The man was a dogmatic leftist who spent much of each class lecturing students on his views. The other possibility was that the man was simply an egotist who could care less about exchanging ideas.

A friend of Nabil’s had an even better example. One day, his English professor threw up his hands and exclaimed, “What am I here for? Why do I bother with you? If your parents had money, they would send you to a decent private school.” The outburst brings us back to Mohamed’s point about the inequality between the public and private school systems. The public system barely even pretends to educate anyone, and both professors and students can see through the ruse. The effect is to kill initiative, instilling a sense of resignation through which young people can be easily led. As Nabil put it, most people who can read might as well be illiterate, because they never learn to analyze the information they take in. Meanwhile, the rich send their children to private schools that do a far better job of preparing them for the complexities of the modern world. Families that can afford it will send their children to Europe, or to a high school in Morocco that follows the French or Spanish model. The question is, why doesn’t the Moroccan government insist on the same high standards in its public schools?

Mohamed’s answer is that this is the result of a deliberate political calculation. The rich are preparing their children to rule the country, and the children of the poor are being prepared for obedience. The media play a role by distracting young people with consumerism. Whatever pocket money they have is spent on mobile phones, Nike ripoffs, pirate DVDs or chatting on the internet. In one way or another, it all flows into the pockets of the rich. Unable to understand the causes of their predicament or make meaningful plans for the future, they dream of escape to the land of abundance they see in the movies. For all these reasons, Mohamed doesn’t think there will be an “explosion.”

He gave two examples of how people can remain apathetic even in seemingly intolerable conditions. The first involves rural poverty. He recently took part in a census project that required him to visit a number of remote villages. In many of those places, poverty is so extreme that the sole diet is tea and bread. When there is no water, which can happen during a long drought when the wells dry up and become contaminated, even this rudimentary diet becomes impossible. So what do people do? They go hungry. “They sit there, waiting for rain.” They know there are jobs in the cities, and they understand that if a man makes the trip, he might better the situation for himself and his family. Yet desperation stunts the imagination. Instead of doing anything, they simply wait in resignation for the rains to come.

Mohamed’s other example involved unemployed college graduates, who are probably the most active group in demonstrating against the Moroccan government. They want the state to give them jobs, which has always puzzled me. Instead of putting their energy into demonstrations, why don’t they take a chance on a small start-up project? Wouldn’t selling CDs or T-shirts be better than nothing? Even families that aren’t that well off could probably round up $2000 in seed money for a small project. It might not be what they studied in college, but isn’t it better than waiting years for a government job that will never come? Mohamed explained that most of these people don’t really want to work. “What they want is an official post, which in Morocco means getting a salary without having to work.”

I have a friend like this in Larache. He got a job with the city through family connections, and spends most of his day goofing off. He and a coworker cover for each other, so neither of them works more than half a day at a time. Mohamed is involved with an association that started an experiment several years back, offering loans to unemployed college graduates to start their own businesses. They found only one taker. He used the money to open a pizzeria on the main square, and today he is a millionaire in dirhams, which means he has at least $100,000. His friends are still where they were, waiting for the state to give them jobs.

Perhaps this shortage of people willing to take destiny into their own hands is due to that Arab fatalism we’ve heard so much about, in which people do nothing because they believe that good fortune falls from the sky, inch’ allah. Yet I doubt it. I think that Moroccans’ sense of resignation is a response to their social conditions, not its cause. It must be said that the Moroccan state has proven skilled at manipulating this feeling, even promoting it. It is easier to control a restive population with feelings of powerlessness and confusion than with guns. If people are resigned to their situation, then no matter how miserable they become, they will never ask “What is to be done?” as Lenin did. Instead they will sit waiting for the rain to fall.

The following is from an IM conversation I had a couple of nights ago with my friend Doga, who has already contributed two articles to this blog, here and here.

eatbees: I sent you an e-mail that presents two points of view on political reform in Morocco. They were part of an interesting discussion on Larbi’s blog. I see that there are those who don’t want democracy to advance too quickly in Morocco, because they are afraid the Islamists will take over everything. They say that Moroccans aren’t ready to make a good judgment, since there are so many illiterates and so on.

The other side says that Morocco doesn’t have time to wait. But there is still the question, why has the Left abandoned the field to the Islamists on social and reform issues? Why are the Islamists the only ones to propose serious constitutional reforms?

doga: For the first group, the ones that don’t want democracy to move quickly—normally, they are people who support the State.

eatbees: Maybe. But certain elites who think they are progressive end up supporting the State out of fear of the Islamists.

doga: The Left has grown fragmented, and it is fragile because its forces have begun to split up. That’s due to personality conflicts.

eatbees: So there’s no hope for 2007? For the Leftists, I mean.

doga: Frankly, there is no Left in Morocco today. As far as I’m concerned, it no longer exists.

eatbees: In my e-mail, I quote a comment from a sincere Muslim—I won’t say an Islamist, I think he’s simply an ordinary Muslim—who speaks clearly about popular desperation, which he says the elites are unable to see. Another man responds to him, “Anyone but the Islamists!” The second man says there are NGOs presenting a program of reforms from a Leftist point of view, and we need to support them. Neither man supports the State, not without major reforms.

Meanwhile, there are also people involved in the debate from what I’ll call the neo-Makhzen point of view. They say that the king and his men are more competent than anyone else, and Morocco is advancing fast enough. I can see how this might appeal to educated professionals, members of the middle class who are afraid of the Islamists but love democratic principles. What do you say to them?

doga: I think we need to give the Islamists a chance. We can have confidence in their program, because I don’t think anything they’re saying contradicts democracy. I wonder why no one discusses or analyzes their proposals. Most people who criticize the Islamists do so simply because they are Islamists. In this view, there is no reason to even discuss the Islamist proposals, because they think they already know what the Islamists are thinking. I say no, we need to analyze what they are saying and proposing.

eatbees: Maybe the people of Casa, Rabat, and even Fez are cut off from their roots in popular culture? They think the majority, le Maroc profond, can be easily manipulated out of ignorance. If that happens, they are worried that all the advances the country has made will turn out to be built on sand. How can you reassure those people?

doga: You say that the middle class is afraid of the Islamists, but frankly, a lot of Islamists come from the middle class!

eatbees: To me, it looks like the majority of Moroccan intellectuals aren’t really comfortable with the Islamists. For example, Aboubakr Jemaï thinks that Islamist gains are inevitable as a result of the weakness of the political class, but he isn’t happy about it. So how would you reassure such people? Either they say that a lot of progress has already been made since Mohammed VI took the throne, and we just need to be patient, or they admit there are serious problems, but they want to close the door on the Islamists. Illiteracy must be defeated, and economic growth assured, before democracy can work.

doga: Tell me, why aren’t the bloggers comfortable with the Islamists?

eatbees: Maybe they think the Islamists are benefiting from a bad situation, but haven’t really earned the right. It’s the result of popular ignorance, desperation, and the weakness of the political class, like I said.

doga: I don’t think Palestine is the only Arab country without ignorance!

eatbees: I don’t think these people want to repeat the Palestinian experience. I’m not sure they trust Hamas. If I saw conservative Christians ready to take over, here in the U.S., I wouldn’t be happy either. So do you agree or not that Islamism in Morocco is a backward way of thinking?

doga: We mustn’t call everything Islamist “conservative.” I don’t think they want to make a big deal about whether women wear the hejab or not. I don’t think they’re going to interfere with individual choice.

eatbees: But don’t you think a certain intolerance could start to contaminate the discourse? Maybe we’ll see a “witch hunt” against certain types of films, or bars and discos, or fancy cafes where young men take their dates. Maybe they’ll stir up resentment among the poor for everything they can’t have. I think that’s the real fear!

doga: What I don’t accept is that people are against everything that comes from Islam! If they aren’t ready to discuss or negotiate their ideas with faithful Muslims….

eatbees: I think it’s fair to say that intellectuals, even the ones who follow Islam, are very sensitive about other people dictating what they should or shouldn’t do, or should or shouldn’t believe, or whether or not they should fast for Ramadan. The State mustn’t interfere with personal religious values.

doga: I agree. Islamists should inform others, not impose their views.

eatbees: It’s good that you have strong views about this, and frankly, I think I agree with you for the most part. I hope you can write an article for the blog to help explain what the Islamists are proposing, and defend it. But to do that, you’ll need to take into account the arguments coming from the other side. You can do this better than I can, because you have more at stake in the outcome.

doga: Okay, I’ll try.

Below are translations of the two comments I mentioned in my conversation with Doga. The French originals can be found at the end of this article on Larbi’s blog.

36—oneway.  As a Moroccan concerned about the situation (Mohammed VI after seven years of rule) I wanted to give my opinion (even if no one asked for it). In general I am against an absolute monarchy (like we have in Morocco) because it is a form of power that gives too much authority to the head of state, and human nature in this type of situation tends to abuses (desire to enrich oneself, remaining in power through committing injustices). Hassan II and Mohammed VI (I’m speaking of those two monarchs because they are the best known, and the ones whose actions are the most publicized) haven’t escaped this. They have committed numerous injustices, leaving this country slogging through the mud, a situation which hasn’t gotten any better even today.

I won’t examine yet again all the aspects of the monarchy in Morocco, but I would like to comment on certain points which have been brought up in previous readers’ comments. Amine for example speaks about the fact that our king isn’t like other rulers, that he has all the time he needs to realize his objectives. But Moroccans who live in misery, can they wait? Those poor people who live in deplorable conditions, can they wait indefinitely? No. In fact, the situation is a good deal more complicated than that. Things are moving too quickly for us to wait. Other countries with fewer resources than us have developed faster. The more we wait, the more the situation becomes difficult given the international context. Our economy suffers, and Moroccans as well, and that can’t wait any longer. Amine adds that without El Himma [Delegate Minister to Interior, the king’s right-hand man], the security in which Moroccans are currently living wouldn’t exist. But I say that if our dear leaders had done a better job, there would be nothing to worry about. Their policies have pushed people into despair. Those who blew themselves up on May 16 [2003, in a series of attacks in Casablanca] were the victims of this system (no education or very little, marginalized, living in shantytowns). So in my opinion, we need to start saying whatever has to be said, and no longer justify the despicable actions of those who lead this country.

A final comment regarding what was said about protocol. The king moves from place to place without bothering anyone? Do you ever turn on the television? When the king moves around, there are enormous security forces around him, and I can tell you that roadblocks, and unhapppy cops standing miles from the route all day long, aren’t a thing of the past. As far as kissing the king’s hand is concerned, I believe this practice should be reserved for those who truly deserve it (such as our parents).

I believe that the overall situation is drastic, but we have the tendency to forget or pretend not to see anything. Our leaders are rotten, our political class is rotten (and I say bravo to the leaders, good job of looking after their interests), and the mentalities of Moroccans leave a lot to be desired so as not to be rotten too. I sincerely believe that Moroccans deserve their leaders. If we are governed by petty incompetents, that must be because we don’t deserve any better. This is a paraphrase of what is written in the Qur’an, by the way, and as a Muslim who believes that the words of the Qur’an are applicable to all eras, I strongly believe that. In my opinion, before speaking of Mohammed VI, of El Himma, of El Fassi & Co. [the Independence Party leader, scion of a famous political family], it would be better to start by criticizing ourselves. Given time, if we better ourselves, we will have better leaders.

39—Yessir78.  Hello, everyone. I also want to give my opinion even if no one asked for it. I want to say that I’m in the ABI camp (anyone but the Islamists). I don’t mean that as an insult, but in life it’s necessary to take a stand.

I start from the following premises. Everyone agrees that in 2007 there will be an Islamist tidal wave in the legislative elections. Everyone knows that the PJD [the Islamist party] will run away with the elections. Yet many observers insist that the weight of the PJD is nothing compared to that of the organization Al Adl Wal Ihsan. Indeed, if we add the two (PJD + Yessine) we will see that a very large part of public opinion has been won over to their Islamic theses.

Why is this? Because the Left and the other parties have disappointed. Because other than the Islamists, no one in Morocco is talking about the problem of the distribution of power. The Islamists fill the void and occupy the terrain.

What must we do? The solution is to not leave these democratic demands to the Islamists alone. Civil society in Morocco has understood that very well. Five Moroccan NGOs are calling for constitutional reforms and a fair distribution of power.

Who are these NGOs? For the first time in the history of our country, a call for constitutional reform is not being led by supporters of a Castro-style putsch, or a Khomeini-style Islamic state. [A list of five progressive NGOs is given.] These organizations have launched a call to revise the constitution. Rather than leaving a void for the Islamists and related groups to fill, get involved and support this type of initiative by people who are open to society and the world.